In
Dec. 2025 I published an article in the LA Progressive calling for progressives
to create a Project 2029 describing the structural changes necessary to have a
functioning democracy in our nation. The MAGA movement and the Christian nationalists
had a radical agenda and moved it from the fringe to the mainstream with the
election of their cult leader, Donald Trump. The Heritage Foundation created
Project 2025 as a blueprint for the radical transformation of our government
into a theocratic authoritarian regime.
We
need a progressive political agenda as bold and as radical as Project 2025 and
the time to start crafting it is now. Enacting structural changes in our
government seems much more likely after the blue tsunami of the 2026 midterms than it did a year ago. Given Trump’s growing
unpopularity and his unwillingness to change course or learn from his mistakes, the Democrats have an excellent change of winning a trifecta in 2028 and be able to reform
the government in profound ways.
The Trump regime
fundamentally altered the character of American government by concentrating
power in the presidency and reshaping institutions such as the Department of
Justice and the Supreme Court in ways that have weakened traditional democratic
checks and balances. The broader MAGA movement has sought not merely to win
elections but to establish long-term political dominance. The MAGA movement successfully
secured a durable conservative majority on the Supreme Court, which they
believe could constrain progressive legislation for decades to come.
If (or should we say when?) progressive
Democrats gain control of the presidency and both houses of Congress, they
should pursue an equally ambitious agenda aimed at restoring and strengthening
democratic institutions. Here are some structural reforms:
Expand the Court by
adding four new justices, preferably younger jurists, while encouraging older
justices to retire so that a new generation can shape the Court’s future.
Advocates argue that without structural reform, the current Court could block
major legislative initiatives. Several Democratic elected officials have
supported some form of court expansion or major judicial reform, including
Representatives Ro Khanna, Judy Chu, Ted Lieu, and Jamie Raskin. House
Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries has called for dramatic Supreme Court reform,
while Representative James Clyburn and Senator Edward Markey have publicly
supported expanding the Court to thirteen justices. Senator Adam Schiff has
endorsed a broad package of reforms that includes expanding the Court to
thirteen members, imposing eighteen-year term limits on justices, establishing
a binding ethics code, and strengthening conflict-of-interest and financial
disclosure requirements.
- Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022) Overturned Roe v. Wade and ended the federal constitutional right to abortion. This was major setback for reproductive rights and runs counter to what the majority of American want.
- Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010). Allowed corporations, unions, and outside groups to spend unlimited amounts on independent political advertising. This decision has vastly increased the influence of wealthy donors and corporations in elections. [
- Shelby County v. Holder (2013) Struck down a key section of the Voting Rights Act that required certain states and localities with histories of discrimination to obtain federal approval before changing voting laws. This weakened voting-rights protections.
- District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) Recognized an individual constitutional right to possess firearms for self-defense. This severely limits gun-control measures.
- Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard and UNC (2023) Effectively ended race-conscious affirmative action in college admissions. It undermines efforts to address racial inequality.
- Janus v. AFSCME (2018) Held that public-sector unions cannot require nonmembers to pay agency fees. This decision weakened organized labor.
Rucho v. Common Cause (2019)
Ruled that federal courts cannot adjudicate partisan gerrymandering claims. This ruling permits extreme partisan manipulation of legislative districts.- Trump v. United States (2024). Held that presidents enjoy substantial immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts. This ruling ruling places presidents above the law.
Suspend or abolish the
Senate filibuster.
A simple majority should be able to enact major democratic reforms and confirm
judicial appointments without requiring a sixty-vote threshold in the Senate.
This already has wide Democratic support:
- Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), who has repeatedly called for ending the
filibuster, arguing that it blocks voting-rights legislation,
reproductive-rights protections, and other major reforms.
- Bernie Sanders (I-VT), who has supported eliminating or greatly
curtailing the filibuster to allow major legislation to pass with a
majority vote.
- Jeff Merkley (D-OR), perhaps the Senate's longest-running critic of
the modern filibuster. He has advocated either abolishing it or restoring
a "talking filibuster" that would require senators to
continuously hold the floor.
- Chuck Schumer (D-NY) supported efforts to create filibuster
exceptions for voting-rights legislation and has been open to changing
Senate rules, although he has not consistently endorsed complete
abolition.
- Kamala Harris, while Vice President and a U.S. Senator, supported
weakening or modifying the filibuster to enact voting-rights and
abortion-rights legislation.
- Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), who has consistently called for
ending the filibuster.
- Pramila Jayapal (D-WA), former chair of the Congressional
Progressive Caucus, has advocated eliminating the filibuster.
- Ed Markey (D-MA) has supported abolishing the filibuster for major
democracy and climate legislation.
- Cory Booker (D-NJ) has backed significant filibuster reform.
- Pete Buttigieg, though not an elected official at the federal level
currently, has publicly advocated ending the filibuster.
- James Talarico (D-TX), has also called for ending the filibuster.
End
the MAGA War on Immigrants. One option
is for the President to follow the example of Ronald Reagan who signed the
Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, which legalized approximately 2.7
million undocumented immigrants, and publicly expressed support for granting
legal status to immigrants who had established roots in the United States. Another
option is for Congress to provide a pathway to citizenship for undocumented
residents who have lived in the United States for more than seven years, have
no record of violent crime, and pass a citizenship examination. There are between
14.6 million and 15.8 million undocumented residents lived in the United States
in 2024, according to the Center for Migration Studies and the Migration Policy
Institute. If these undocumented residents became citizens and voted, this
could have a profound effect on electoral politics. A number of elected
officials already support broad legalization measures. Senator Padilla has
introduced legislation providing a pathway to permanent legal status and
citizenship for many long-term residents. His efforts have been supported by
Senators Dick Durbin, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Cory Booker, and Ben
Ray Luján. Representative Zoe Lofgren has introduced companion legislation in
the House, while Representative Sylvia Garcia and Senator Chuck Schumer have
also advocated pathways to citizenship.
Restore and Strengthen the Voting Rights Act which was gutted by the Trump Supreme Court.
Reform
the Electoral College. The President could
require states to establish nonpartisan redistricting commissions as a
condition for receiving certain federal funds, with the goal of reducing
partisan gerrymandering. Another more democratic approach would reform
presidential elections by replacing winner-take-all allocation of electoral
votes with either proportional allocation within each state or adoption of the
National Popular Vote Interstate Compact. The current Electoral College system
disproportionately amplifies the influence of voters in swing states and has
twice produced presidents who lost the national popular vote, namely George W.
Bush in 2000 and Donald Trump in 2016. Under a national popular vote system,
every vote would carry equal weight regardless of where The good news is that Democrats
won control of the EXACT states needed to elect the president by popular vote.
And the best part is it doesn’t even need a vote in Congress. The National Popular Vote Interstate Compact
is simple. States that join agree to give all their electoral votes to whoever
wins the most votes nationwide, instead of whoever wins their own state. The
Constitution lets each state decide how to hand out its electoral votes. It
only kicks in once member states hold 270 electoral votes, the number it takes
to win the White House. Virginia joined in April, bringing the total to 222.
That left 48 to go. During the midterms Democrats flipped both chambers in
Wisconsin for the first time in 18 years (10 votes). They flipped the
Pennsylvania state Senate for the first time since 1993 (19). They took back
the Michigan House (15). And they won full control of Nevada (6). That’s 272.
If Democrats hold Arizona, its 11 votes push the total to 283. Right now, a vote in Wyoming counts nearly
four times as much as a vote in California when it comes to picking a
president. Under the compact, every vote counts the same. Republicans know
exactly what that means for them. Democrats
have won the popular vote in seven of the last nine presidential elections,
which is why conservative groups spent the final weeks of the campaign warning
about these exact races. Voters showed up anyway. Twice in the last 25 years,
the candidate with fewer votes moved into the White House. George W. Bush did
it in 2000, and Wannabe-King Donald did it in 2016. It would also end the
swing-state circus. Candidates would have to fight for votes in Texas,
California and everywhere in between instead of camping out in six states. Now
the new legislatures have to pass it, and they have until July 20, 2028 to get
it done in time for the next election.
Besides these structural
reforms, we should:
Reduce military
spending by at least 10-20% percent and redirect those resources toward universal
health care and tuition-free public higher education. The Trump
administration's FY 2026 national defense request was totaled about $1.01
trillion, including both discretionary and reconciliation funding. Several members of Congress have advocated
reducing Pentagon spending or imposing stricter oversight:
- Sen. Bernie
Sanders (I-VT) has repeatedly called for reducing Pentagon spending and
redirecting funds to domestic priorities. He also sponsored amendments to
cut the Pentagon budget by 10% and recently pushed legislation that would
penalize the Pentagon financially for failing audits.
- Sen. Elizabeth
Warren (D-MA) and Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) have joined Sanders in supporting
significant Pentagon budget reductions.
- Sen. Ed Markey
introduced the "Slash the Pentagon Act," proposing to cap Defense
Department spending at $750 billion and make major cuts to military
spending.
- Rep. Mark Pocan
(D-WI) and Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN), co-chairs of the Defense Spending
Reduction Caucus, have criticized military budgets exceeding $1 trillion
and called for reductions in Pentagon spending.
- Rep. Barbara
Lee (D-CA) and Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA) have sponsored legislation and
amendments to reduce Pentagon spending and shift resources to domestic
needs.
- Rep. Judy Chu
(D-CA) was among House members who supported a 10% Pentagon budget
reduction amendment. A few Republicans focus more on reducing waste than
on broad budget cuts.
- Sen. Rand Paul
(R-KY) has long advocated lower military spending and supported efforts to
restrain Pentagon budgets. He is also a co-sponsor of legislation imposing
consequences for failed Pentagon audits.
- Sen. Chuck
Grassley (R-IA) and Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT) support stronger Pentagon
financial accountability through audit legislation.
Fully fund the Internal Revenue Service to improve enforcement
against tax evasion, which the IRS has estimated costs the government hundreds
of billions of dollars annually. About $700 billion in taxes are lost
each year due to fraud (tax gap). Spending money on IRS enforcement yields
approximately $6.40 collected for every $1 spent.
Increase taxes on high-income households to reduce deficits and
finance expanded social programs. The White House Office of Management
and Budget and Council of Economic Advisers estimated that the 400 wealthiest
billionaire families paid an average federal individual income tax rate of 8.2%
between 2010 and 2018 when unrealized gains in wealth are counted as income. ProPublica
estimates the "true tax rate" for billionaires to be 3.4%. Some
billionaires have paid zero federal income tax in particular years when they
had little taxable income despite large increases in wealth. In contrast, households
earning $50,000-$100,000 often pay roughly 10-15% of income in federal income
taxes after deductions and credits. Households earning $100,000-$200,000 often
pay roughly 15-25% of income in federal income taxes. When you add Social
Security and Medicare payroll taxes, plus state and local taxes where
applicable, the combined tax burden for many middle-class households is often
in the 20-30% range of income, We need to ensure that billionaires pay as least
as much, if not more than middle class tax payers. By taxing the capital gains
of billionaires, we could make them pay their fair share of taxes.
Restore the expanded
Child Tax Credit to
reduce child poverty,
Raise the Social
Security payroll tax threshold to $500,000 to strengthen the program’s long-term
solvency, rehiring federal workers dismissed during the Trump administration,
and restoring funding for foreign aid programs.
Encourage statehood for
Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico, which would add congressional representation
for residents of those jurisdictions. This reform would
require elimination of the filibuster to pass Congress.
End subsidies for the
oil and gas industry and redirecting those resources toward renewable energy
development.
If you count direct government
support such as tax breaks, royalty discounts, and other
federal subsidies to oil, gas, and coal producers, recent estimates for fossil
fuel subsidies are generally in the range of $30–35 billion per
year. If you use
the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) definition, which includes not only direct
subsidies but also "implicit subsidies" such as the estimated costs
of air pollution, climate damage, and other externalities not reflected in fuel
prices, the figure is much larger. The IMF estimated U.S. fossil-fuel subsidies
at approximately $757 billion in 2022,
of which only about $3 billion were explicit subsidies and the
rest were implicit costs borne by society. These subsidies would be better
spent on renewable energy.
Eliminate the mortgage interest tax deduction and use the resulting
savings to expand affordable housing programs, including Section 8 vouchers and
other forms of housing assistance for low-income households. The Joint Committee
on Taxation estimates the mortgage interest deduction will reduce federal
revenues by roughly $25–30 billion per year in the mid‑2020s. Higher income
homeowners receive the most benefit from this deduction. $30 billion could
produce between 60,000-80,000 homes for low-income renters and people
experiencing homelessness.
Taken together, these
proposals represent a vision for restructuring American political institutions,
expanding voting and citizenship rights, strengthening the social safety net,
and addressing economic inequality. What I have proposed is just a start. I
welcome your ideas and hope to see them evolve into a blueprint for a
democratic future for our nation.
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